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Aug. 26.

History of the foreign relations of Mauritania

During the late colonial period and hooped football socks, Mauritania had few contacts with the other territories of French West Africa (Afrique Occidentale Française—AOF). At the time of the independence referendum in 1958, Mauritania’s representatives on the Grand Council of the AOF remained neutral, while all other AOF members divided between the African Democratic Rally (Rassemblement Démocratique Africain—RDA) and the African Regroupment Party (Parti du Régroupement Africain—PRA). Until Mauritania became independent and Morocco threatened its security, Mauritania did not participate in AOF intraterritorial political, labor, or cultural movements. Only when Mauritania’s existence as a state became problematic did it seek international recognition and support.

Throughout the 1960s, Mauritania’s main foreign policy objective was preserving its independence in the face of Moroccan irredentism. (Morocco finally recognized Mauritanian independence in 1969.) To that end, the Daddah government insisted on maintaining close ties with France, an effort that included allowing France to station troops on Mauritanian soil. In Africa, Mauritania established ties with the more conservative francophone countries because all the Arab League states (except Tunisia) and the African members of the Casablanca Group (Ghana, Guinea, and Mali) supported Morocco’s irredentist claims.

Mauritania applied for admission to the UN in 1960, sponsored by France, but its membership was vetoed by the Soviet Union, which supported the Arab League. For the most part, black Africa and the West favored Mauritania’s admission, and the Soviet Union dropped its opposition in 1961 in exchange for a favorable vote on Mongolia’s admission. In a final effort to block Mauritania’s admission, Morocco brought the issue to the General Assembly, which supported Mauritania’s application by a vote of sixty-eight to thirteen, with twenty abstentions. Mauritania was admitted to the UN on October 27, 1961. Mali, Guinea, and most Arab states supported Morocco in the debate.

In January 1962 Mauritania edged away from its previously conservative, pro-French position by extending recognition to the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic and refusing to attend meetings of the French-backed Common Saharan States Organization. These tentative displays of independence increased Mauritania’s credibility with its more progressive African neighbors and emphasized the country’s role as a bridge between Arab North Africa and black Sub-Saharan Africa. Mauritania and Mali subsequently achieved a rapprochement with the signing of the Treaty of Kayes in February 1963. Relations with Algeria improved when Mauritania supported Algeria in its dispute with Morocco. Egypt, known at the time as the United Arab Republic (UAR) and the acknowledged leader of the Arab world, also sided with Algeria, and on October 21, 1964, the UAR officially extended recognition to Mauritania. That action encouraged Daddah to undertake an even bolder foreign policy.

In 1963 Mauritania joined the OAU, whereupon Morocco resigned in protest. In 1964 Daddah became the first president of the recently formed Afro-Malagasy Union for Economic Cooperation (Union Africaine et Malagache de Coopération Economique—UAMCE), a loose grouping of francophone African countries pledging technical and cultural cooperation football jerseys on sale. When the organization was subsequently upgraded to become a political organization in defiance of the OAU charter, Mauritania withdrew from all but the technical committees.

Through the early 1970s, Mauritania continued to play the role of bridge between the Maghrib and sub-Saharan Africa. Mauritania also maintained its commitment to nonalignment while opening relations with Eastern Europe and the radical states of Africa. In support of Arab League and OAU positions, Mauritania did not seek ties with Israel, South Africa, or Portugal. Mauritania finally established diplomatic relations with Morocco in 1969. Close relations with France, on whom Mauritania continued to rely for much of its development aid, remained the cornerstone of Mauritanian foreign policy through the late 1980s water tumbler with straw.

Spain’s withdrawal from the Spanish Sahara and the latter’s partition and annexation by Mauritania and Morocco in 1976 inaugurated an eight-year period of conflict and fighting against Polisario Front guerrillas of the SADR, resulting in military setbacks and stagnating diplomacy for Mauritania. Upon annexation

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, Mauritania’s former ally Algeria severed its ties with the Daddah government in support of the SADR. From 1976 to 1979, Polisario guerrillas increased pressure on Mauritania and launched commando attacks against Fdérik, Zouerat, Bir Moghrein and Nouakchott. As a consequence of the economic and political costs of the fighting, the military successors to Daddah attempted to disengage Mauritania from the conflict; nevertheless, Polisario forces penetrated Mauritania’s defenses, often with impunity, to infiltrate fighters into the Western Sahara. On August 10, 1979, Mauritania signs the Alger Accord with the Polisario, recognizing the right of self-determination of the Sahrawis & abandoning any claim on Western Sahara. Subsequently, relations with Morocco again deteriorated and then finally ruptured in 1981 when Mauritania accused Morocco of backing a coup attempt in Nouakchott. Conversely, relations with the Polisario and Algeria improved. In December 1983, Algeria, Tunisia, and Mauritania signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship. The following year Haidalla extended diplomatic recognition and support to the SADR, an action that ultimately led to the downfall of his government. President Taya maintained ties with the SADR, but the link was at best correct and represented little more than Taya’s attempt to appease his more formidable neighbors.

Mauritania’s principal foreign policy objective in the mid-1980s has been to ensure its own territorial integrity. Translated into diplomacy, this has meant pursuing a policy of strict neutrality in the Western Sahara dispute, improving relations with Morocco and Algeria, and seeking guarantees of support from France should ties with Mauritania’s northern neighbors seriously deteriorate. Taya’s efforts in that area have had mixed results. Although Taya insisted that Mauritania would remain neutral in the conflict over the Western Sahara, Mauritania faced a mounting threat of greater involvement because the combatants themselves continued to encroach on Mauritanian territory. As the Moroccans pushed southward in the Western Sahara behind their highly effective network of sand walls (berms) to within a few kilometers of the Mauritanian border, Mauritanian armed forces were placed in the position of confronting either well-equipped Moroccan troops pursuing Polisario guerrillas, or Polisario commando teams crossing into and perhaps attacking the berms from Mauritanian territory. In either case, Mauritania would probably be the loser.

Taya has also sought to improve ties with other countries to secure trading partners or find new investors. Mauritania’s principal benefactors have been Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and France. The list of donors also includes Japan, Iraq, Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), Romania, the United States, the Persian Gulf states, and China.

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Mrz. 18.

Valentyna Shevchenko (politician)

Valentyna Semenivna Shevchenko (Ukrainian: Валентина Семенівна Шевченко; born 12 March 1935 in Kryvy Rih, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Soviet Union) was the Chairman of the Presidium of Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR.

She was born in a family of miner Semen Solianyk.

From 1975 to 1985 wholesale custom socks, Shevchenko is a deputy chairperson of the Supreme Council Presidium of the Ukrainian SSR. After the death of Oleksiy Vatchenko, she was acting as the chairwoman until her official appointment on petition of Volodymyr Shcherbitsky trusox football socks.

In 1989 Shevchenko refused to sign prohibition against the People’s Movement of Ukraine.

Since September 1997, she is the honorary president of the National Fund of social defence of mothers and children: „Ukraine – children“.

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Feb. 08.



Zarqa (arabisch الزرقاء az-Zarqāʾ, lokal auch ez-Zergā oder ez-Zer’a, deutsch manchmal auch Zarka oder Zerqa, übersetzt „Die Blaue“) ist eine Stadt in Jordanien, unmittelbar nordöstlich von Amman gelegen. Sie hat etwa 395 Tausend Einwohner (Volkszählung 2004). Zarqa ist Hauptstadt des gleichnamigen Gouvernements (arab. Muhāfaẓat az-Zarqā).

Zarqa ist das industrielle Zentrum Jordaniens (50 % der jordanischen Industrie sind in der Stadt angesiedelt). Dies ist vor allem der Nähe der Stadt zur Hauptstadt Amman bei gleichzeitig günstigen Bodenpreisen zu verdanken.

Im Oktober 2013 gab der Vorsitzende der jordanischen Atomenergiekommission, Khaled Toukan, den Bau eines Kernkraftwerks mit zwei Reaktorblöcken und einer Gesamtleistung von rund zwei Gigawatt in der Wüste unweit der Industriezone Zarqa bekannt. Der erste Meiler sollte 2020 in Betrieb genommen werden, die Baukosten 10 Mrd. US-Dollar betragen. Auftraggeber football jerseys on sale, Betreiber tenderising meat, strategischer Partner und Investor soll der russische Konzern Atomstroiexport sein. Die jordanische Regierung sollte 51 Prozent und der russische Partner 49 Prozent der Anteile halten, das entsprechende Abkommen 2016 unterzeichnet werden.

Der Name Zarqa wurde einer breiten Öffentlichkeit zum ersten Mal durch die fast zeitgleiche Entführung dreier Flugzeuge der Swissair, der TWA und der BOAC am 6. September 1970 durch die Volksfront zur Befreiung Palästinas bekannt water bottle stainless steel. Alle drei mussten auf dem stillgelegten Flugfeld Dawson’s Field nahe Zarqa, welches von den Palästinensern „Flugplatz der Revolution“ genannt wurde, landen. Es entwickelte sich ein zermürbender Nervenkrieg um die Freilassung der Geiseln im Austausch für inhaftierte palästinensische Terroristen, unter anderen jene, die wegen des Attentats in Kloten vom 18. Februar 1969 in der Schweiz im Gefängnis saßen best waterproof 5s case. Letztlich kamen alle Geiseln unversehrt frei, die Flugzeuge wurden gesprengt. Die Ereignisse gipfelten dann im so genannten „Schwarzen September“.

Zarqa hat insgesamt 3 Hochschulen.

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Dez. 30.


Nella scala dei tempi geologici, il Luteziano è il secondo dei quattro piani in cui è suddiviso l’Eocene.
Copre il periodo di tempo compreso fra i 48,6 ± 0,2 milioni di anni fa (Ma) ed i 40,4 ± 0,2 Ma (milioni di anni fa).

È preceduto dall’Ypresiano e seguito dal Bartoniano.

Il Luteziano deriva il nome da Lutetia Parisiorum, il nome romano dell’antico villaggio che diede poi origine alla città di Parigi. Il piano Luteziano fu introdotto nella letteratura scientifica dal geologo francese Albert de Lapparent nel 1883 football jerseys on sale.

La base del Luteziano è rappresentata dalla prima comparsa dei foraminiferi del genere Hantkenina.

Il limite superiore t shirt football designs, nonché base del successivo Bartoniano, è dato dalla comparsa del nanoplancton calcareo della specie Reticulofenestra reticulata.

La IUGS non ha ancora fissato il riferimento stratigrafico ufficiale, il GSSP. Sono tuttavia già stati identificati due possibili candidati, entrambi localizzati in Spagna, e si è in attesa di sottoporre le candidature per l’approvazione ufficiale.

In questo periodo (intorno ai 47 milioni di anni fa) si ha la scomparsa delle scimmie del genere Teilhardina, protoprimati classificati nel sottordine Haplorrhini, superfamiglia Tarsioidea, famiglia Omomyidae, ritenute le prime forme di primati conosciute, probabili antenate delle scimmie dell’infraordine Simiiformes (comprendenti tutte le scimmie, platirrine e catarrine), ma anche dei Tarsi.

Intorno ai 45 milioni di anni fa si ha, in Cina la presunta datazione dei fossili di Eosimias sinensis, protoscimmia dell’infraordine Simiiformes razor lint remover, parvordine Catarrine, superfamiglia Eosimiidae, presunte antenate di tutte le scimmie del vecchio mondo (uomo compreso).

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Dez. 02.

Mabel Vernon

Mabel Vernon () est une suffragette américaine, pacifiste et leader du mouvement pour le suffrage des femmes aux États-Unis. quaker et membre de l’American Woman Suffrage Association, elle s’inspire des méthodes britanniques de la Women’s Social and Political Union. Avec Olympia Brown, Inez Milholland, Crystal Eastman, Lucy Burns et Alice Paul, elle co-organise les manifestations des Silent Sentinels (Sentinelles Silencieuses).

Mabel nait le à Wilmington, dans le Delaware. Elle va à l’école des quakers locale : la Wilmington Friends School jusqu’en 1901. Puis, elle intègre Swarthmore College dont elle sortira diplômée en 1906. Elle devient alors professeur à la Radnor High School de Wayne, en Pennsylvanie, où elle enseigne le latin et l’allemand.

En 1912, Mabel est ouvreuse lors de la convention de 1912 de la National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Elle est la première organisatrice rémunérée recrutée par Alice Paul. Les deux femmes et Lucy Burns rejoignent la commission chargée de l’organisation du Défilé pour le Suffrage des Femmes de 1913. Avec Edith Marsden, Mabel milite pour le suffrage des femmes à Rhode Island et Long Island, durant l’été 1913.

En 1914, Mabel travaille pour la Congressional Union, voyageant à travers les États du sud-ouest des États-Unis, puis à travers la Californie, avant d’arriver au Nevada. Elle collecte des fonds pour le referendum qu’essaie d’organiser Anne Martin pour la NAWSA. L’année suivante, elle organise des défilés pour accueillir Sara Bard Field, instigatrice d’une pétition réunissant 500’000 signatures et présentée au Président Woodrow Wilson.

En juin 1916, le National Woman’s Party (NWP) est créé lors de la convention de Chicago, par des femmes auquel leur état a octroyé le droit de vote. Le Parti Démocrate adopte l’idée d’accorder le droit de vote aux femmes au niveau régional mais pas au niveau national. Frustrée par cette situation, Mabel apostrophe Woodrow Wilson lors d’un de ses discours à Washington : „Monsieur le président, si vous désirez sincèrement améliorer la condition de tous, pourquoi vous opposez-vous à l’émancipation national des femmes&nbsp football jerseys on sale; thermos vacuum insulated water bottle?“. Comme le président ignore sa question, elle la répète un peu plus tard et la police l’expulse du meeting.

Mabel est l’une des organisatrice de la campagne des Silent Sentinels qui débute le 10 janvier 1917. Elle s’assure qu’il y ait suffisamment de volontaires chaque jour pour faire le piquet devant la Maison-Blanche. Avec Alice Paul, elle organise des journées thématiques durant lesquelles les volontaires viennent du même état ou ont la même profession. Cette stratégie leur assure une couverture substantielle dans la presse. La campagne durera 18 mois, des milliers de femmes y participeront, certaines seront arrêtées et le mouvement se finira dans la „Nuit de la Terreur“.

En mars 1917, la Congressional Union et le NWP fusionnent. Mabel devient la secrétaire de l’association. Lors d’un comité auquel participe le président Wilson sur le sujet du vote des femmes, elle réussit à se faire entendre de celui qui vient juste d’annoncer l’entrée du pays dans la Première Guerre mondiale :

« Si le droit d’avoir une voix dans leur propre gouvernement est une cause si sacrée pour les étrangers qu’il constitue une raison à notre entrée dans une guerre internationale pour le défendre, ne devriez vous pas, Monsieur le Président, donner votre soutien devant le Congrès à la mesure exigeant que les femmes de ce pays puissent s’auto-gouverner ? ».

Parmi les Silent Sentinels, Mabel est l’une des six premières femmes à être arrêtée, sous le chef d’accusation d'“obstruction au trafic“. Le 26 juin 1917, elles sont condamnées à payer une amende de 25 dollars et à trois jours de prison. Clamant leur innocence, elles refuseront de payer l’amende.

Après le vote du XIXe amendement donnant le droit de vote aux femmes dans toute l’Union, Mabel soutient les candidates au Congrès et fait du lobbying pour le vote de l’Equal Rights Amendment qui ne verra jamais le jour. Elle obtient en 1924 une maîtrise en sciences politiques à l’Université de Columbia.

En 1930, Mabel s’investit dans les relations internationales et la paix. Elle défend les droits des latino-américains et milite pour le désarmement. En 1930, elle rejoint la Ligue internationale des femmes pour la paix et la liberté. Elle devient directrice du Comité Interaméricain pour la Paix et la Coopération dans les années 40.

En 1951, elle s’installe dans l’état de Washington avec sa compagne Consuelo Reyes-Calderon. Elle décède le .

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Okt. 27.

The Doug Gottlieb Show

The Doug Gottlieb Show is a weekday sports talk and debate radio show on CBS Sports Radio, that airs Monday-Friday from 3 pm ET for three hours till 6 pm ET. The show was formerly on ESPN Radio from 2006-2012. Since debuting on November 13, 2006, the host of the program has been hosted by former Oklahoma State Cowboys guard and current CBS college basketball analyst Doug Gottlieb. Jon Stashower was the SportsCenter anchor for the show in the 8pm-11pm slot until 2008, when he was moved to the afternoon spot allowing anchors Marc Kestecher and Neil Jackson to split the time between 8pm–11pm. He rejoined the show on February 2, 2009 when it was moved to its earlier slot.

The debuting of The Doug Gottlieb Show, caused a major shake up in the ESPN Radio lineup, as SportsNation on ESPN Radio was dropped completely from the airwaves and The Brian Kenny Show was created to take up the later slot, from 8pm-10pm football jerseys on sale.

Since joining ESPN Radio in September 2003, Gottlieb had co-hosted GameNight along with personalities such as Chuck Wilson, Jeff Rickard, John Seibel and Freddie Coleman. Due to Gottlieb’s extensive work for ESPN’s college basketball coverage, the primary fill-in host for the program during the evening was Andy Gresh but since Gresh’s departure from ESPN Radio, Jason Smith was the regular substitute for Gottlieb.

On July 31, 2012 it was announced that Gottlieb had signed with CBS and would no longer be appearing on ESPN. His last show on ESPN was July 30, and his first with CBS was January 2 cell phone pouch for running, 2013.

The design of The Doug Gottlieb Show is very caller friendly with many segments and features containing calls and e-mails from listeners. Gottlieb, with his unique opinions, often includes pop culture and personal commentaries in the show. The move to the earlier slot replaced the GameNight and The Pulse segment called the Scoreboard Update every ten minutes, where the SportsCenter anchor would deliver the most up-to-date scores from games across the country.

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